See No Evil The U.S. Response to the 1994 Genocide in Rwanda Essay

See No Evil The U.S. Response to the 1994 Genocide in Rwanda - Essay Example The role of media will also be examined vis--vis as an aiding tool in the genocide and its deliberative inertia in generating public response. The international context of US foreign policy response will also be examined in the aftermath of Somalia and in the theoretical framework of national interest vs humanitarianism framework. The response of UN will also be examined under organizational interest. This approach to the case study will not only answer the posed questions but will also try to link the various dimensions and coordinates of this International Humanitarian crisis. The problems of Africa have to be viewed within the inter-contextual relationships of colonization, decolonization, racism and 'neo-colonialism'. In the small country of Rwanda approximately 800000 to 1 million human beings were slaughtered within a span of just around hundred days; in a ruthlessly organized manner. In order to lend perspective to our analysis about US and UN apathy towards this incident it is imperative that we first examine the context of Rwanda as a post-colonial state. Rwanda's underdevelopment in both social as well as economic terms, which precipitated the massacre, has to be understood in terms of colonial state 'manufacturing'. Post colonial Africa was divided not according to natural or even perhaps geographical barriers. Countries were created in accordance with the territorial occupation of colonial metropole. The cauldron of state creation in Africa was designed to serve the interests of the metropole. The new nations, right from the outset were plagued with structural anomalies. The development problem in its entire scope was a conscious construct of metropole. The local elite was created and co-opted in an 'international social structure' serving the world capitalist economy. These elites are 'trained' and 'conditioned' in to western habits of 'consumption' and 'values' so as to serve the metropolitan interest even after they have left (Zartman.1976). Besides creating this, outward looking 'vernacular elite' (Jehan.1972), it is argued th at social identities and strata are also a deliberate colonial construct. In case of Africa amorphous identities were crystallized in to tribal identities based on a 'race science' (Hintjens.2001), concept of social engineering. 'Rwandan genocide is the most dramatic example of race science in action since the Holocaust' (ibid, pp.25). It has been argued and reasonably established that amorphous identities in Rwanda were manipulated and converted in to lethal and organized form of solidified tribal affiliations (Gourevitch.1998, Gasana et all., 1999, Lemarchand.1996). The Tutsi and Hutu were class stratification, a status term rather then a defined, historical ethnic identity. 'Until the early twentieth century, an individual could be both Hutu in relation to his patrons and Tutsi in relation to his own clients'(Lemarchand.1996:pp.9-14). In the pre-colonial era this nebulous social positioning was never an ethnic stratification and social fluidity from Hutu to Tutsi and vice versa w as common (Goyvaerts.1999; Newbury.1998; Prunier.1995). The Germans after the Berlin Congress got Rwanda as part of German East Africa and thereafter they transplanted their racist ideology in their colonies, including Rwanda. It was the German metropole which first of all implanted the idea of